本科毕业设计（论文）

外文翻译

科举简史及其影响

作者：光贤子

国籍：韩国

出处：施普林格科学（中文译文）

摘要：在标准化考试中，来自东亚的学习者往往比来自其他发达国家的学生表现更好。他们通常准备的很好，通常在数学、科学和语言方面表现很好。尽管最近西方决策者和教育工作者大肆宣传东亚学生在标准化考试中的表现，这个现象的产生主要是由于始于中国的科举的历史的独特性。科举考试在大多数东亚国家都建立了牢固的基础(日本因地理位置孤立而不包括在内)，这是重视日常工作和强大的核心政府文化的产物。虽然一些西方政治家和教育管理者提倡采用其中的一种教育形式，这种教育形式以标准化考试成绩为要点，但这种观点忽视了东亚国家几个世纪以来对国家考试的批评。科举制度是一种看似高效便捷的政府精英选拔方式，这造就了勤奋的学生和守时的教育者，尽管如此，它在创新和社会进步方面也有重大缺陷。因此，笔者从历史的角度来审视这种教育方法，并与欧洲和日本采用的方法进行了比较。

关键词：科举，标准化测试，东亚教育，教育政策，学生评价

前美国总统巴拉克奥巴马赞扬了韩国学校的勤劳，甚至建议他们应该作为美国Bwobbly教育系统的一个例子(Strauss 2014)，不像许多青少年一样看电视，中国和韩国学生专注于填写测试和大学入学考试。的确，中国和韩国学生往往在学业上表现出色，而且经常考入美国顶尖大学。

一群在美国的中国学生在sat考试中作弊的丑闻无意中凸显了严格的东亚教育模式的一些负面影响。(Svokos 2014)。即使没有作弊，东亚人和有东亚血统的美国人在考试中往往考得非常好，甚至更好于其他群体，包括以英语为母语的人。在被美国东部精英大学录取的学生中，亚洲人的平均得分比美国白人高50分，尽管亚洲人经常把英语作为第二语言来学习(Shyong 2015)。这种标准化考试成绩的差异源于东亚国家强调学生和家长要取得高分。

大多数东亚学生在很小的时候就开始投身于大量的学习，即使放学后，学校往往延长一天的上课时间，以确保学习者继续学习。如果这种情况没有发生，学生们为了完成学业目标，在晚上会上私立学校。同样的，如果不是这样的话，学生们的空余时间也会花在付费的自习室里，无论在农村还是城市这都是普遍存在的。散文，创意写作，课外活动，休闲阅读是不被重视的，因为他们的评估不能通过纯粹的量化手段进行，因此这些被认为是主观的，并且准确性有问题(Tan 2012)。此外，与其他国家相比，考试区域的安全性是严格的：安全摄像头突出，考试管理者或裁判员在场，个人办公桌被覆盖。这些都用来降低作弊的可能性。然而东亚国家强调考试并不是最近的趋势，而是从独特的历史背景中演变而来的。

科举史

中国的科举考试早在汉朝就开始了(Cheng and Curtis 2010)，用来招募国家官僚机构的成员。他们的影响是全球性的，并直接影响到越南和韩国等邻国。这些严格的考试是唐朝中期以后获取政府职位的主要手段，直到科举于1905年正式废除。第一组考生是根据他们在音乐、数学、写作和公共或个人习俗或仪式方面的知识进行评估，这一般与儒家文本及其解读有关。随着社会对儒家文本理解的不断发展，这些考试有轻微的变化。

Gwageo是韩国高丽和朝鲜王朝时期的国家公务员考试(Berman 2010)。和中国的考生一样，这些测试评估考生对中国古典哲学和文学的知识。在越南，儒家考试制度始于李朝，一直延续到二十世纪。科举模式也是通过各种方式引起了西方思想家的注意，这些人后来在自己的国家实施了不同的制度。例如，英国东印度公司(English East India Company)采用了一种改良版的考试，后来英国政府也采用了这种考试来选拔公务员(Higgins and Zheng 2002)。法国、德国和美国后来也采用了类似的模式来确定某些职位的候选人(Kaplan和Saccuzzo 2012)。科举的起源和亚洲职业道德

科举的起源与亚洲职业道德

就像东亚国家采用的现代考试制度一样，科举考试也是由独特的文化需求和历史传统演变而来，也就是种植水稻，这需要密集的劳动和严格的日常生活。水稻是一种湿地作物，通常生长在淹没的土地上，在整个生长季节提供水。与小麦农业相比，水稻农业需要更密集的劳动力，以及复杂的最终收获后脱粒(Talhelm et al. 2014)。

稻农用盐水来确定最好的种子，灌溉稻田，并在周围建造堤坝。秧苗移植是一项艰苦的工作，农民需要面临全年不停地除草。在当代，农民在稻田里劳动时形成一大行。这些精细的耕作程序以及与之相关的工作量转化为日常的学习习惯，固定的上课时间，以及每天早起。相反，罗马和希腊的孩子一般不上学，尽管富裕的家庭聘请家庭教师来教他们的孩子哲学、算术、和外国语言。

此外，在水稻农业中，由于缺乏进一步工作的动力，奴隶仍然是建造灌溉系统和耕作的低效手段。付钱给佃农或自由人来监督耕种和收获农作物比使用奴隶更划算（Duiker and Spielvogel 2012）。然而，罗马人和希腊人主要雇佣奴隶来完成他们的工作，欧洲人则雇佣了几乎没有自由的农奴(Westermann 1955)。在大多数东亚国家，农业的形式要求自由工人为奖励或报酬工作，为科举考试创造了条件。水稻农业使大量的自由人能够申请一个中央政府想要保留其权力的制度。

东亚考试和教育中心的历史

中国

民办教育在中国有着悠久的历史。第一个私立学校是孔子创办的，他教育过3000多名学者，并创立了至今仍影响中国社会的哲学理论(Tu 1998)。在战国时期，私立教育成为教育的主要形式。然而，在宋代，书院(私立学院)成为普遍的准备考试和高等教育的场所(Yao 2015)。已知的714个宋代书院中，岳麓、绥阳、昊阳、白鹿洞最为突出。这些学校的学生和应征者为科举考试做准备，还有代表不同思想流派的学者借助书院批评和提炼他们的观点。除了书院之外，四书是由一名家庭教师组成的私立学校，教授学生基本的读写能力，一般通过背诵经典文本为国家考试做准备(Shin 2012)。

韩国

科举制度建立于958年，作为加强国王统治的一种手段，同时也减少了强大的氏族和军事贵族的影响(Jung 2015)。任何自由人都有资格参加考试。在朝鲜王朝时期，高级官职是对没有通过考试的贵族关闭的。结果，考试成绩得分最高的人几乎占据了所有政府高级职位。考试一直持续到朝鲜王朝后朝鲜被日本吞并。

在朝鲜，科举考试确保了忠诚、本土化知识分子拥戴皇位，因此，高丽统治者努力建立儒家教育的渠道。然而，私人机构开始比公办的更出色(例如，Hyanggyo, Gukjagam [Yi 1984])。特权阶层和受过高等教育的人设计了考试，他们通常受雇于私人机构，为未来的应试者做准备。比如崔忠(984-1068)，高丽时代儒家学者、教育家，是gwageo测试题的发明者，后来又成立了主要的私立备考机构(Yongxin 2015)。

中国

20世纪初，一些务实的中国活动家开始批判儒家学说。也就是说，他们认为科举考试的哲学性质是独立于现代科学和日常生活的。明清两国政府都曾试图修改考卷，但都没有成功，因为修改的数量是巨大的。此外，由于许多考生不愿意学习与经典话题相关的新概念，因此很难将西方概念融入考试中。

明朝时期的安徽皇室学者(如朱述、朱载于)开始强调实践成果和科学研究的重要性，他们认为科举考试过时、无效(Engelfriet 1998;戴尼安和科恩1996)。此外，安徽学者方益智等成功通过科举考试的学者，对政府的教育立场产生了不满，反对科举追求科学研究和西学。同样，《明史》(1996)指出，自从科举制度建立以来，人们就忽视了书本学习。这场灾难的程度是无法形容的，这就是为什么有识之士痛恨建立这个制度^(第342页)。

1895年中国输给日本后，以著名的改革学者梁启超为首的一群学者在向天皇发表的演讲中谴责了中国的考试制度(莱瑟姆，2007年)。由于西方列强的现实，科举制度与西学的不相容，以及中国改革家对变革的渴望，政府后来废除了科举制度，改为改良的教育形式。

附：外文原文

A Brief History of Imperial Examination and Its Influences

Abstract Learners of Eas0074-Asian descent frequently outperform students from other developed nations on standardized tests. They are often well prepared, and generally demonstrate high proficiency in math, science, and language. Despite recent hype among Western policymakers and educators regarding the performance of East-Asian students on standardized exams, this phenomenon is primarily attributable to the unique history of imperial examinations, which began in China. The imperial examinations were firmly established in most East-Asian nations (excluding Japan owing to its geographic isolation), and were the product of cultures that valued routine work and strong central governments. Although some Western politicians and education administrators advocate adopting a form of education wherein standardized test scores are a focal point, such views potentially ignore centuries-old criticisms in East-Asian nations concerning national examinations. The imperial examination system was a seemingly efficient and convenient approach to selecting government elites that produced diligent students and punctual educators; nonetheless, it also had significant drawbacks with respect to innovation and societal progress. Thus, the author examines this educational approach from a historical perspective, and compares it to the methods adopted by Europe and Japan.

Keywords Imperial examinations. Standardized testing . East-Asian education Educational policy . Student evaluation

Former President Barack Obama has praised the industriousness of South Korean schools, and even suggested that they should function as an example for Americarsquo;s Bwobbly^ education system (Strauss 2014), Instead of watching television like many teens, Chinese and Korean students focus on cramming for tests and college entrance exams. Indeed, Chinese and South Korean students tend to excel in their schoolwork, and are frequently admitted to top Americ

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附：外文原文

A Brief History of Imperial Examination and Its Influences

Abstract Learners of Eas0074-Asian descent frequently outperform students from other developed nations on standardized tests. They are often well prepared, and generally demonstrate high proficiency in math, science, and language. Despite recent hype among Western policymakers and educators regarding the performance of East-Asian students on standardized exams, this phenomenon is primarily attributable to the unique history of imperial examinations, which began in China. The imperial examinations were firmly established in most East-Asian nations (excluding Japan owing to its geographic isolation), and were the product of cultures that valued routine work and strong central governments. Although some Western politicians and education administrators advocate adopting a form of education wherein standardized test scores are a focal point, such views potentially ignore centuries-old criticisms in East-Asian nations concerning national examinations. The imperial examination system was a seemingly efficient and convenient approach to selecting government elites that produced diligent students and punctual educators; nonetheless, it also had significant drawbacks with respect to innovation and societal progress. Thus, the author examines this educational approach from a historical perspective, and compares it to the methods adopted by Europe and Japan.

Keywords Imperial examinations. Standardized testing . East-Asian education Educational policy . Student evaluation

Former President Barack Obama has praised the industriousness of South Korean schools, and even suggested that they should function as an example for Americarsquo;s Bwobbly^ education system (Strauss 2014), Instead of watching television like many teens, Chinese and Korean students focus on cramming for tests and college entrance exams. Indeed, Chinese and South Korean students tend to excel in their schoolwork, and are frequently admitted to top American colleges and universities.

A scandal involving cheating on SATs among a group of Chinese nationals in the United States inadvertently highlighted some negative aspects of the rigorous EastAsian education model (Svokos 2014). Even without cheating, however, East Asians and Americans of EastAsian descent frequently score extremely well or better than other groups, including native English speakers. Among students admitted to elite American universities, East Asians on average score 50 points higher than their whiteAmerican counterparts, despite often acquiring English as a second language (Shyong 2015). This difference in performance on standardized exams is rooted in the emphasis placed on achieving high test scores by students and parents in East-Asian nations.

At a young age, most East-Asian students begin to devote a significant amount of time to their studies. Even after classes finish, the school day is often extended to ensure that learners continue studying. In cases wherein this does not occur, students attend private institutions in the evening in order to fulfill their scholastic goals. Likewise, what would otherwise be free time is spent by learners in paid study rooms, which are ubiquitous in both rural and urban areas (see Fig. 1). Essays, creative writing, extracurricular activities, and casual reading are not emphasized, as their evaluation cannot be done through a purely quantitative means, and is therefore considered subjective and of questionable accuracy (Tan 2012). Moreover, security in testing areas is usually stringent, and incomparable to other countries: security cameras are prominent, test administrators/referees are present, and individual desks are covered to reduce the likelihood of cheating. The emphasis placed on examinations in East-Asian countries is not a recent trend, however, and has evolved out of a unique historical context.

The History of Imperial Examinations

The Chinese imperial examinations commenced as early as the Han dynasty (Cheng and Curtis 2010), wherein they were used to recruit members of the national bureaucracy. Their influence was global, and directly impacted bordering countries such as Vietnam and Korea. These rigorous exams were the primary means to procure a government position from the mid-Tang dynasty onward, until they were formally dissolved in 1905 (Sutterby 2012). The initial group of examinees were evaluated according to their knowledge of music, mathematics, writing, and communal/personal customs/ceremonies, which were generally related to Confucian texts and their interpretations. These exams underwent slight changes as societyrsquo;s understanding of Confucian texts evolved.

Gwageo were the national civil service examinations during Korearsquo;s Goryeo and Joseon dynasties (Berman 2010). Like their Chinese counterparts, the tests evaluated examineesrsquo; knowledge of classical Chinese philosophy and literature. In Vietnam, the Confucian examination system commenced during the Lyacute; dynasty, and remained in place until the twentieth century. The imperial examination model also garnered the attention of Western thinkers (largely by means of missionaries and envoys), who would subsequently implement variations of the system in their own nations. For example, a modified version of the exam was adopted by the English East India Company, and later by the British government to select public servants (Higgins and Zheng 2002). France, Germany, and the United States later adopted similar models to identify candidates for certain jobs (Kaplan and Saccuzzo 2012).

The Imperial Examinationsrsquo; Origins and the Asian Work Ethic

Like the modern examination system adopted by East-Asian nations, the imperial examinations evolved out of unique cultural needs and historical traditions, namely the cultivation of rice, which requires intensiv

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